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Maharashtra’s streets have seen it all – silent marches, angry protests, hunger strikes, and political rallies. At the centre of this decade-long drama sits one question: should the Maratha community get reservation benefits? The Maratha reservation battle has seen years of promises broken, court cases lost, and tensions rising. Now, the state government has found what might be the most creative solution yet.
Instead of fighting the constitution’s 50% reservation ceiling, they’re handing out century-old documents. Those who belong to the Maratha community can avail a Kunbi caste certificate from now on, which will enable them to access OBC quotas that are already in place instead of creating new ones. The Maratha issue is not limited only to the state of Maharashtra. Such demands of the Maratha community have wide-ranging effects not only on the community but also on the other states and communities. Is this really about caste identity, economic distress, or raw political power?
The Marathas present a puzzle that doesn’t fit traditional reservation logic. They’ve dominated Maharashtra politics for decades. Most chief ministers come from the community. They control cooperative banks, sugar mills, and educational institutions. They’re hardly the powerless, marginalised group that reservations were originally designed to help.
Yet here they are, demanding quotas. The community makes up about 32% of Maharashtra’s population. Historically, they were the warrior caste that built the Maratha Empire under Shivaji. Today, they’re farmers and middle-class families struggling with the same economic pressures as everyone else.
The legal journey has been brutal. In 2018, Maharashtra announced 16% reservation for Marathas. The Supreme Court struck it down entirely, citing the 50% reservation ceiling. The current Kunbi certificate solution sidesteps these constitutional hurdles. It’s based on historical records, including a 1918 Hyderabad Gazette, proving that some Marathas and Kunbis shared common ancestry.
Strip away the political rhetoric and you find a community in economic distress. Maharashtra’s sugar belt, the Maratha heartland, has been hammered by droughts, falling crop prices, and mounting debt. The state has one of India’s highest farmer suicide rates. Young Marathas are leaving agriculture but finding limited opportunities in cities.
This isn’t about ancient caste hierarchies; it’s about modern economic anxiety. Maratha families see their kids suffer through the process of getting government jobs or college admissions, and at the same time, they observe reserved categories receiving preferential treatment. The anger is genuine, even though the solution they ask for is questionable.
The trend is not limited only to Maharashtra. The Patidars of Gujarat, the Jats of Haryana, and the Gujjars of Rajasthan have, in fact, raised similar demands in recent years. These are communities that have been strong historically but feel neglected by the Indian economy, which is undergoing significant changes. They’re not seeking dignity or representation; they want jobs and college seats.
No major political party in Maharashtra can afford to ignore the Maratha demand. The community’s 32% population share makes it the kingmaker in state elections. The BJP, Shiv Sena, Congress, and NCP have all promised them reservations at various times.
The current government’s Kunbi certificate solution serves multiple political purposes. It appears to deliver on promises without creating new quotas that would anger OBC communities. It shows decisive action after years of legal delays. Most importantly, it could neutralise the issue before the elections.
But the politics extend beyond Maharashtra. If the Kunbi certificate model succeeds, other states with similar demands might adopt it. The reservation debate is moving far beyond its original social justice framework.
India’s reservation debate is undergoing a fundamental shift. What started as a tool for social justice is becoming a mechanism for economic distribution. Traditional reservation logic said that communities denied opportunities due to historical discrimination deserved preferential treatment. The new logic says that any community facing economic distress deserves state support through quotas, as seen in the case of the Maratha reservation movement.
The 50% reservation ceiling is under unprecedented pressure. Currently, Maharashtra’s total reservations stand at around 52%. If the Kunbi certificate model allows more Marathas to access OBC quotas, the effective reservation could increase significantly.
Other states are watching closely. If strong communities discover that continuous protest results in outcomes, a domino effect of comparable demands could be observed across India. The larger issue is whether the Indian economy is capable of creating sufficient opportunities to meet the aspirations of every individual.
Behind every reservation demand lies a simple truth: there aren’t enough good jobs or college seats for everyone who wants them. India creates about 12 million new workers each year, but generates only 5-6 million jobs. The gap between aspiration and opportunity drives communities toward quota politics.
Maharashtra’s solution addresses the symptom but not the disease. Kunbi certificates might help some Maratha families access government jobs or engineering colleges, but they don’t create more positions overall. They redistribute opportunity without expanding it.
When opportunities are scarce, every advantage matters enormously. Communities that once relied on political power to secure benefits now find that formal quotas provide more reliable access. The shift from informal influence to formal reservation reflects deeper changes in how Indian democracy works.
The Maratha reservation saga reveals uncomfortable truths about contemporary India. A politically powerful community feels economically insecure enough to demand quotas traditionally meant for the oppressed. A state government finds creative ways around constitutional limits rather than addressing root causes.
India’s reservation debate is no longer just about caste; it’s about jobs, inequality, and the state’s struggle to create enough opportunities for an aspirational population. The Kunbi certificate solution might provide temporary political relief, but it doesn’t solve the fundamental mismatch between expectations and possibilities.
The larger question still stands: are quotas going to address the root issue or merely move it to another place? With an increasing number of communities making comparable requests, the country will have to determine whether reservations are a way to redress past wrongs or a means to alleviate present-day economic worries. Until India’s economy generates enough quality jobs for its educated youth, communities will continue fighting over the limited seats at the table. The reservation system was never designed to manage that kind of competition, but it’s increasingly being asked to do exactly that.
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